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The youth-oriented social media platform is rife with videos showing ostensibly heterosexual young men spooning in cuddle-puddle formation, cruising each other on the street while walking with their girlfriends, sharing a bed, going in for a kiss, admiring each other’s chiseled physiques and engaging in countless other homoerotic situations served up for humor and, ultimately, views.įeigning gay as a form of clickbait is not limited to small-fry TikTok creators trying to grow their audience.
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Robinson’s hotel seduction video is veering toward becoming a modern-day cliché. “If watching my videos makes you happy and stuff, that’s cool,” he added.Īs devotees of TikTok’s young male stars know, Mr. Gay and bi-curious male followers are welcome, too. Uploaded in February, the video has gotten more than 2.2 million views and 31,000 comments (lots of fire and heart emojis). Finney identify as heterosexual, but as some TikTok influencers have discovered, man-on-man action is a surefire way to generate traffic. Robinson pushed against the tiled wall.īut as racy as the video is, fans are under no pretense that the two are in the throes of gay puppy love. In an eight-second video set to a lewd hip-hop track by the Weeknd, he and a fellow teenage boy, Elijah Finney, who calls himself Elijah Elliot, filmed themselves in a London hotel room, grinding against each other as if they’re about to engage in a passionate make-out session. Robinson posts sexually suggestive curve balls that, he said, “break some barriers.” Between the daily drip of shirtless dance routines and skits about his floppy hair, Mr. (Four percent answered “other.Connor Robinson, a 17-year-old British TikTok star with rosy cheeks and a budding six-pack, has built a large following by keeping his fans thirsty. Significantly, at least 74 percent had some religious affiliation, with 22 percent professing none. Martin’s survey sample was 88 percent white 35 percent had a college degree half the sample had household incomes below $50,000. “While a few do try to ensure that their children know a gay identity is acceptable, many more mothers actively parent to prevent homosexuality, and by far, these mothers belong to and are influenced by conservative religions.” “Few mothers actively parent for the possibility that their children could grow up to be gay,” she writes. In addition to other questions, Martin drew “at length from two particular questions: ‘Have you ever wondered if your child might grow up to be gay or lesbian?’ and its open-ended follow-up question, ‘Why or why not?’” “For many young children,” Martin finds, “gays and lesbians do not exist-the words, symbols, people, and relationships are not part of a child’s lexicon.” Martin writes that her study suggests that “mothers convey heteronormativity to children” from a young age, laying a foundation for “understanding and abiding the larger heteronormative context in which children will develop.” Why mothers and not fathers or other caregivers? Martin argues that “mothers are generally more responsible than fathers for children’s day-to-day sexual education.” Fathers are “more traditional in their gender socialization of children,” and men in general “report more homophobic attitudes than do women.” “Few mothers actively parent for the possibility that their children could grow up to be gay.” Parenting plays a role in reinforcing heteronormativity through the way heterosexual parents “monitor, manage, and imagine heterosexuality in their children.” Martin surveyed more than 600 heterosexual mothers to see how ordinary parenting can “normalize heterosexuality” by imparting certain assumptions, conversations, and strategies, including the “books, movies, and other culture to which they expose their children.” Martin defines as “ the mundane, everyday way heterosexuality is privileged and taken for granted as normal and natural.” Some describe this as heteronormativity, which sociologist Karin A. Heterosexuality is ideological in this way: Many heterosexual people never think about how they are raised, socialized, taught, and fitted into a hegemonic definition of sexuality. Even into the early 1920s, Merriam-Webster could still define heterosexuality as “a morbid sexual passion for one of the opposite sex.” Our current definition of heterosexuality as “normal” stems from the 1930s.īut what “normal” looks like changes through time. The word itself was only coined in the mid-1860s, when a Hungarian journalist came up with both “heterosexual” and “homosexual” during a debate over Prussian anti-sodomy laws. Heterosexuality has a history, and it’s not particularly ancient.